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The Dawn of Everything

August 1, 2026 by Chris

The Teska Type System™ is based on the idea that our 16 personality types evolved during the Stone Age, and that those types still exist today. Does this mean that we’re just primitive cave-dwellers with cell phones? Or, does it mean that Stone Age people were more sophisticated than we think?

It means the latter. The hunter-gatherers who lived 30,000 years ago were just as complex and creative as we are. In fact, The Dawn of Everything, a book published in 2021, shows that we modern people could learn a lot from them.

It’s an important book

The Dawn of Everything, by David Graeber and David Wengrow, may be the most important book written in the last century. That’s because its authors did something very valuable: they surveyed a great deal of research into Stone Age societies, then used it to identify the social arrangements that have historically worked best for us humans.

The book is especially important because it conveys a crucial fact: if we adhere to these ancient social arrangements going forward, we can avoid many of the recurring social problems that have plagued our species since the dawn of civilization.

Summarizing the book

When the authors of The Dawn of Everything looked at the last 50,000 years of human history, they were surprised by what they found. They saw that:

“The world of hunter-gatherers as it existed before the coming of agriculture was one of bold social experiments, resembling a carnival parade of political forms.”

The book is mostly about those Stone Age political forms, which were largely unknown until the past couple of decades. We knew about the earliest civilizations, we were familiar with the empires of antiquity, but we were in the dark about Stone Age societies. That is, the societies that we anatomically-modern humans have lived in for 90% of our history.

Now we know much more about them, and the authors pass that knowledge on. Every decision-maker in America should read the book in full, but since not many will do that, here’s a short, practical summary of the social experiments it describes:

  1. There is no perfect society, no utopia. People are people, and nobody’s perfect, so no matter what our social arrangements are, problems and disagreements arise.
  2. We are socially creative. Our social arrangements are a matter of choice. There’s no single “natural” kind of human society–there has always been lots of variation.
  3. We prefer living in tribal societies. Given the choice, people prefer to live in tribal societies, because they foster stronger social bonds than modern societies do.

Distilling the essence of Stone Age life

The Dawn of Everything focuses on the Late Stone Age–the last 50,000 years of human history in which we modern humans emerged. During this time, we began to do things that earlier humans hadn’t. We began making art, music, and advanced tools. We began to move all over the globe. Most importantly, we began organizing ourselves into tribes.

Since the tribe is the socio-political form that we modern humans have employed for 90% of our history, it’s what the book focuses on. Looking at tribes at all periods of history, and from all over the globe, the authors make these observations:

  1. Tribal life is complex and sophisticated. Social arrangements in tribal societies are complex and varied. So are the tribal people who create and maintain them.
  2. Tribal people nip hoarding in the bud. Tribal societies developed many ways to preserve freedom by preventing ambitious men from hoarding wealth and buying power.
  3. Tribal people see us as rude and selfish. Tribal people usually see the members of industrial societies as coarse, self-centered people who treat others badly.

Stone Age cultures: varied and complex

For us modern humans, there has never been an “original” or “natural” social arrangement. People living in tribal societies have always had very different lifestyles and values. For example, the !Kung people of South Africa were easy-going, and didn’t care much for personal possessions. People in the Yurok tribe of northern California, by contrast, worked very hard to accumulate shell money.

Tribal societies also took many different forms. Many Stone Age peoples created hybrid societies that blended hunting with horticulture, and featured governmental structures that changed with the seasons:

  • During the dry season, the Nambikwara of Brazil lived in small hunter-gatherer bands run by a single leader. During the rainy season, they congregated in large villages where crops were cultivated, and government was done by consensus.
  • The Inuit of the Arctic had a similarly flexible society, in that during the summer they dispersed into small bands led by a single elder, and during the winter they congregated in large, cooperatively-governed meeting houses.

Tribal societies also included far-flung clans that provided individuals with freedom and support. For instance, if someone in the Cherokee tribe left their Beaver Clan band, they could travel hundreds of miles and be accepted by a band of that same Beaver Clan in a completely different tribe, such as the Onondaga. Even if they didn’t speak the language, they’d still be given food and shelter, and a place in the tribe if they became well-liked.

Tribal societies also valued outsiders of other kinds. Many tribes included “prophets” who spoke in tongues, went into trances, slept only during the day, and/or cross-dressed. These eccentric people weren’t condemned, but were rather treated with respect. In tough times and unexpected circumstances, the tribes turned to them for insight, foresight, guidance, and even leadership, with consistently good results.

An example of sophistication: the Osage

The book goes into depth in describing one Stone Age tribe, the Osage. It arose in the Ohio River valley around 800 B.C., then moved west when other tribes invaded its territory. The tribe provides a good example of Stone Age cultural sophistication, in that it independently generated Plato’s idea of the philosopher king, and incorporated it into a system of representative government.

The Osage studied nature closely, and concluded that its animating force was ultimately unknowable. They did determine, however, that it operated through a combination of two principles, Sky and Earth. Wanting their tribe’s social organization to reflect this universal order, they divided their society into a Sky clan and an Earth clan, in which the men from one clan took their wives from the other.

Every member of the tribe was expected to spend an hour a day in prayer and reflection, but some members were especially dedicated to spiritual practice. Those who attained the highest levels of spiritual awareness were known as the Nohozhinga, or “little old men” (some of which were women). The Nohozhinga met daily to discuss natural philosophy, political issues, and affairs of state.

The Nohozhinga comprised the decision-making body of the tribe, and kept an oral history of their most important discussions. When they failed to reach consensus on a question concerning the tribe’s affairs, two of them would retreat into the wilderness to meditate on it, then return with a report. Once the Nohozhinga made a decision for the tribe, their decision was enforced by the tribe’s warriors.

Stone Age people chose their ways of life

People of the Stone Age chose the ways they lived. They could have lived one way, but they chose to live another. For example, the people who built the Çatalhöyük settlement in Turkey domesticated sheep and goats, but kept no cattle or pigs. Why? Because they enjoyed hunting wild bison and boar. In the same way, the tribes of America’s Pacific coast were familiar with agriculture, but rejected the idea of planting staple crops.

Tribal people also developed complicated systems of government. In the Osage tribe, mentioned above, people thought of their political history as a series of crises in which tribal elders addressed problems inherent in the previous political arrangement. What it ended up with was a government based on checks and balances: the tribe’s two clans each had 24 bands, and every band had a representative, so their “legislature” amounted to two “houses” with 48 total representatives.

Tribal people also experimented with kingdoms such as that of Cahokia, a city of 20,000 people that existed around a thousand years ago in the midwest. The city was ruled by a monarch, but over time the people who lived there “voted with their feet” and drifted away to live elsewhere. When the kingdom lost all power and the monarch was gone, the site was resettled with towns that held a couple of thousand people.

How Stone Age tribes preserved freedom

Freedom was the cardinal virtue in the vast majority of Stone Age societies. As one Jesuit priest said about the Wendat tribe of Canada in 1644:

“I do not believe that there is any people on earth freer than they, and less able to allow the subjection of their wills to any power whatever—so much so that Fathers here have no control over their children, or Captains over their subjects, or the Laws of the country over any of them, except insofar as each is pleased to submit to them.“

Since personal freedom was so important to Stone Age people, preserving it was their political priority. Their members were keenly aware that as people live in larger groups, the potential for a wealthy and ambitious person to exert control over other people increases. So, they created a variety of customs and processes to keep such people from hoarding personal wealth and converting into political power.

At the level of a 25-150-person hunter-gatherer band, food was wealth, so band members would downplay the achievements of successful hunters to keep them humble. In most bands, the meat was distributed by someone chosen at random, to ensure that everyone got their fair share. To keep the band cohesive, braggarts and bullies were ridiculed, shamed, and in extreme cases even killed.

At the tribal level of a 2000-person seasonal gathering, or a collection of fishing villages, preserving freedom meant enforcing generosity. In the Nootka tribe of Canada’s Pacific coast, for example, a chief was expected to give away most of his wealth in a ceremony known as a potlatch. He was born with high social rank, but to maintain it, he had to be generous to the people of his tribe. Selfish chiefs were sometimes killed by their people, but generous ones were praised and lauded.

It’s worth noting that freedom was for the members of one’s own tribe. Many tribes raided their neighbors, and took slaves. Within the tribes, however, freedom meant more than just freedom of action. It also meant freedom from want: no one was allowed to go hungry. This wasn’t so much because people feared poverty themselves, but because they preferred living in a society where no one was poor.

The earliest cities were egalitarian

The book points out that freedom was also preserved in the world’s earliest cities. Unlike Cahokia, mentioned above, cities such as Uruk in Mesopotamia had egalitarian governments that echoed the political arrangements of nomadic tribes. For example, everyone in Uruk, including the king, did manual labor on public projects.

In Uruk and other Mesopotamian cities, neighborhood assemblies held most of the political power, and the ostensible ruler of the city had to abide by their decisions. These assemblies included both women and men, and participated in making public policy that ranged from taxation to foreign relations. They also governed the people of their neighborhoods on a day-to-day basis, holding trials and adjudicating disputes.

It was only after a warrior aristocracy arose in eastern Turkey, around 3000 BC, that the government of cities began to change from egalitarian to authoritarian. In the earliest cities, the people who lived in them basically governed themselves.

Farming was a last resort

Humans turned to farming only as a last resort, when food became scarce. That’s because growing crops involves a lot of very hard work. Building soil, clearing forests, weeding, threshing–these things involve much more work than hunting and gathering, so no one in the Stone Age did them by choice. For around 3000 years after it started, farming was much less important than hunting, fishing, or foraging.

It’s no surprise, then, that the earliest farming communities were organized along the same lines as hunter-gatherer bands. Land was typically held communally, and it was periodically redistributed according to the number of people in a family, or by lottery. This was the case all over Europe in the Late Stone Age, and these arrangements persisted in the form of the Anglo-Saxon rundale and the Russian mir.

Life in these early farming communities, while easy and free compared to later systems of serfdom, still wasn’t as attractive as hunting and gathering in nomadic bands. So, when people in the Americas had a choice, they chose the latter. In the Southwest, for example, people gradually abandoned crop cultivation. By the time the Spaniards arrived, the once-prevalent Pueblo societies had shrunk to isolated pockets of farmers surrounded by hunter-gatherers.

Stone Age societies meet modern Europeans

In the New World of the Americas, modern societies with advanced technology (steel, sailing ships, clocks) encountered a continent inhabited by Stone Age tribes. What did the Stone Age people think of the new arrivals from Europe? Not much. Members of the Mi’kmaq tribe said about the French:

“You are always fighting and quarrelling among yourselves. We live peaceably. You are envious and are all the time slandering each other. You are thieves and deceivers.”

The French, for their part, were annoyed by the Mi’kmaq, who constantly told them that they were richer than the French, because they were more generous and had more comfortable lives. People of the Wendat tribe also commented on the French settlers’ lack of generosity. As one of the settlers put it:

“They considered it a very bad thing when they heard it said that there were in France a great many needy beggars, and thought that this was for lack of charity in us.”

The Wendat also thought the French to be rude. While the French missionary monk Gabriel Sagard considered Wendat speakers to be polite, eloquent, and persuasive in debate, the Wendat thought the opposite of the French. They noted how the French often cut each other off in conversation and employed weak arguments.

The Baron de Lahontan, one of the first Europeans to arrive in “New France,” remarked on how the native tribes spurned European civilization:

“They scoff at arts and sciences, and laugh at the difference of ranks which is observed with us. They brand us for slaves, and call us miserable souls, whose life is not worth having, alleging that we degrade ourselves in subjecting ourselves to one man—the king—who possesses all the power, and is bound by no law but his own will.”

The voice of a very different society

In The Dawn of Everything, a Wendat statesman named Kandiaronk features prominently. One Jesuit historian wrote about him that, “No Indian had ever possessed greater merit, a finer mind, more valor, prudence, or discernment.” Kandiaronk was also a political philosopher, and argued that his tribe’s decisions to forsake the two main features of Western civilization—a legal code and fungible money—made Wendat society superior to that of the Europeans.

Kandiaronk told the Baron de Lahontan that a legal system wasn’t an integral part of a just society, but rather an impediment to a harmonious society. He said:

“You have observed that we lack judges. What is the reason for that? Well, we never bring lawsuits against one another… We are determined not to have laws, because, since the world was a world, our ancestors have been able to live contentedly without them.”

Whereas Saint Paul said that the love of money is the root of all evil, Kandiaronk went further, and said that money itself is a source of great evil:

“To imagine one can live in the country of money and preserve one’s soul is like imagining one could preserve one’s life at the bottom of a lake. Money is the father of luxury, lasciviousness, intrigues, trickery, lies, betrayal, insincerity, of all the world’s worst behavior.”

Kandiaronk told the Baron that if he adopted an American way of life, he’d be much happier. It might take him a while to adjust, but in the end he’d have a better life. Many Europeans agreed with Kandiaronk: the vast majority of settlers who lived in both European and Indian societies chose to live in the latter. Many of them “went native” and lived among the Indians, but almost no Indians went the other way.

Those settlers went native for a couple of reasons. The first is that Indian societies offered them much more social mobility. Europeans taken in by Indian families often rose to prominent positions within their tribes, and some even became chiefs. The more important reason, however, was that Indian societies offered them stronger social bonds. In the Indian tribes, they found much more mutual care and social support than they did in European societies.

New possibilities present themselves

The principles upon which Wendat society was based are available to us today. If we want to structure our society along similar lines, say the authors of The Dawn of Everything, we have that option. They invite us to explore new possibilities for living in old ways:

“Perhaps if our species does endure…aspects of the remote past that now seem like anomalies—say, bureaucracies that work on a community scale, cities governed by neighbourhood councils, or forms of land management based on care-taking rather than ownership and extraction—will seem like the really significant breakthroughs.

“After all, those things really did exist, even if our habitual ways of looking at the past seem designed to put them at the margins rather than at the centre of things. Much of this book has been devoted to recalibrating those scales, to reminding us that people did actually live in those ways, often for many centuries, even millennia.

“It means we could have been living under radically different conceptions of what human society is actually about… It also suggests that, even now, the possibilities for human intervention are far greater than we’re inclined to think.“

Filed Under: History & Anthropology

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